43 Years Ago, Pakistani Politicians Defended Treason, They Do It Again

We ignored Agartala conspiracy, released the traitors who broke up the country two years later. We are doing it again in The Memo case.

SPECIAL REPORT | PakNationalists.net

The coincidence is unnerving. Forty-three years ago, Pakistan’s politicians and courts acquitted a traitor accused of helping a foreign country invade Pakistan.

The evidence of treason was strong. But the politicians ganged up and generated enough disinformation against the military and ISI and to cover up for the traitor.

The traitor was released.

The case was dropped.

Two years later, the traitor led a revolt in support of the invading army of India.

Today, Pakistani politicians and courts repeat history: they have almost buried a case of treason, The Memo case.

This is a case where a group of Pakistanis attempted to conspire with another foreign power, the United States, to neutralize Pakistan’s military and nuclear weapons. Had this Memo happened when George W. Bush was president, there would have been many takers in Washington. Unluckily for President Zardari, Husain Haqqani and their other unnamed accomplices, there were no takers this time although many people in Washington continue to spew venom against Pakistan and its military every chance they get.

The Memo case is a breathtaking incident of treason in Pakistan. [For full details of the treachery, see a brief report at this link: http://bit.ly/wpCNso ]

The Agartala conspiracy case of 1969 bears many similarities to The Memo case of 2011, where the main accused, former envoy to Washington Husain Haqqani, was ordered released by the Supreme Court today.

Even during the trial, he and his spouse Farahanaz Isphahani, a Member of Parliament and a presidential aide, were allowed to manage a media campaign against the country’s military in foreign press, spreading disinformation about possible assassination if the trial went ahead. Haqqani’s counsel issued statements accusing the military of a range of crimes, and the government’s media machine bluntly threatened a key witness and planted stories to paint the case as a ploy by the military against failed politicians.WHAT HAPPENED AT AGARTALA?

A brave Pakistani intelligence officer, Lt. Col. Shamsul Alam, the commander of the East Pakistan Detachment of Inter-Services Intelligence, or ISI, uncovered the conspiracy through first-class intelligence work.

The facts were straightforward. A politician, Sheikh Mujeeb, and an accomplice, Mohammad Ali Reza, traveled to eastern Indian city of Agartala and held meetings with Indian intelligence officers to convince them to back his plan to break away East Pakistan from the federation and establish an independent pro-India state.

Pakistani spies, including very able native Bengali officers, pursued the secret meetings and contacts throughout 1967. Mujeeb and his gang was nailed by the end of the year.

In January 1968, a sedition case, State vs. Mujeebur Rehman and others was launched. A total of 35 key conspirators were arrested, both civilian Pakistanis and military officers.

The Indian agents were so rattled they planned to assassinate the ISI officer who collected the evidence against them. This would have eliminated an adversary and intimidated junior intelligence officers into abandoning the case.

A Pakistani officer from East Bengal Regiment was recruited to kill Lt. Col. Alam. But Alam was a brave officer. He not only resisted the attackers but chased them and exposed them. For this he was awarded Pakistan’s highest medal of bravery in peace times, the Sitara-e-Basalat, or the Citation of Bravery.

The process of compromises and cover-ups began soon afterward.

Some 1,500 Pakistanis were arrested. There were 227 witnesses and 7 approvers. The trial dragged throughout 1968 and until January 1969. The number of accused facing trial fell dramatically for political expediency.

The traitors gained public sympathy because of disinformation by politicians and media and delay of justice by judiciary. This helped politicians portray the traitors as victims of military highhandedness. They were released early 1969 and the case was dropped.

WERE THERE TRAITORS IN AGARTALA CASE?

Forty years later, some of the accused admitted that the charges against them were true. Deputy Speaker of Parliament in Bangladesh, Shawkat Ali, who was a conspirator on trial in 1968, admitted during open house proceedings that all treason charges against them were true and that they conspired with India to break up of Pakistan.

Another Bangladeshi legislator, Tofael Ahmed, said had ISI not uncovered the conspiracy, the secession of East Pakistan would have happened ‘peacefully’, with help from Pakistanis recruited by India.

These admissions were made in public in Bangladesh in 2010 and 2011. But they came forty years late. Thanks to the conspiracy of silence by Pakistan’s political parties, government, judiciary and the courts, the traitors succeeded in helping India launch an unprovoked invasion of Pakistan in 1971.

In The Memo case, former civilian officials, some retired military officers, and senior officials in the Zardari government planned to decapitate Pakistani military. The case is being buried now for political expediency.

Let’s hope Pakistan and Pakistanis do not pay a bigger price for this a few years down the road.

If it is forgiven today, wait for the Indus River to turn red with Pakistani blood. If the government can violate the constitution so audaciously to destroy the country, why can’t our military do the same to save Pakistan?

This is a guest column by Zaid Hamid

In 1487, Abu Abdallah Mohammad was the 22nd sultan of the great city of Alhambra. Known to the Spaniards as Boabdil, his tiny physique also won him the nickname el chico.

In that year, he sought foreign help against his father and uncle.

He wrote a memo to Ferdinand and Isabelle, the most powerful sovereigns in the region, to seek help and promised assistance in helping them take over Spain.

He offered to make his emirate a tributary kingdom under Ferdinand and Isabella.

His wish was granted. But within five years, in 1492, Ferdinand and Isabella turned to Alhambra and forced Abu Abdallah, or Boabdil, to surrender and leave for exile.

Boabdil was the author of the treacherous memo. The name of his prime minister was Yusuf.

Under another Yusuf, a memo was written last year to a foreign power, seeking help to weaken Pakistan’s military and intelligence. In exchange, a promise was made to make Pakistan a denuclearized vassal of that foreign power.

Five hundred years after Boabdil’s memo, history is being repeated. Another memo has been written on identical terms.

The only difference is that the Pakistani memo has been exposed.But even then the courts and opinion makers are playing games, while the Pakistani military watches.

A compromise or a deal on the Memo would fatally damage Pakistan. There is no turning back now. The ghosts of Agartala still haunt us after 40 years.

Treason-democracy-elections-rebellion-civil war-invasion-defeat-dismemberment-humiliation! Memo is today’s Agartala. If it is forgiven today, the dreaded sequence would turn Indus River red with Pakistani blood. The war would annihilate us as it did in 1971. Pakistani media must wake up and see how history is repeating itself.

The Pakistani nation must clearly understand that a sinister web of treachery is being woven against Pakistan and ISI by the government and its allies in political parties and media. The Memo case has almost been killed. Now the Asghar Khan/Mehran Bank case has been revived. The authors of The Memo wanted this case revived to divert attention away from The Memo and to take revenge from the military.

The links and timings between memo case and the Mehran Bank case are stunningly clear. Also, the missing person’s case is also being used as a tool to settle scores against ISI. The traitors, snakes and idiots have all joined hands to attack, humiliate and destroy the last defense wall of Pakistan. Memo is a reality just as the Agartala conspiracy was. But back then, too, the political parties joined hands against our military and protected the main accused, the Husain Haqqani of that time, Sheikh Mujeeb.

The result was elections and war and breakup.

History is being repeated today. Political parties and media are ignoring The Memo, attacking ISI and demanding elections when Pakistan is encircled for war.

Shame on our politicians, media, judges and the ulema of this nation who have willingly decided to ignore and bury The Memo. Those who compromise their honor, freedom and faith deserve to be invaded.

For God sake, wake up.

The Supreme Court of Pakistan has already declared NRO unconstitutional. The court has also declared voting lists as bogus. These were the voting lists that brought this government to power in 2008.

What is the moral standing of a government that has come to power through unconstitutional and bogus means?

If the government can violate the constitution so audaciously to destroy the country, why can’t our military do the same to save Pakistan? Overthrowing the government is no more a legal or constitutional issue. It is a national duty and patriotism.

This article, edited by PakNationalists.net, is based on series of text messages and Facebook status updates by Zaid Hamid, a Pakistani analyst.

The reprehensible drone attacks in Pakistan commenced in 2004, nearly three years after the US-led invasion of Afghanistan. They have been conducted by the Special Activities Division of CIA. The question of the drone attacks targeting terrorists in Pakistan’s Wild West, the tribal areas is rather complex. To date 285 drone attacks have been carried out, which have taken a toll of 2,692 lives. It is not clear how many were actually terrorists and what number of collateral damage was suffered. The role of the government of Pakistan has been rather duplicitous. 

S.M. Hali – Opinion Maker

Pakistan covertly permitted the drones to operate from two of its air bases, Jacobabad and Shamsi but publicly condemned the drone attacks. When public outcry over the drone attacks reached a crescendo, on 4 October 2008 “The Washington Post” reported that there was a secret deal between the US and Pakistan allowing these drone attack, while US Senator Dianne Feinstein disclosed in February 2009, that the drones were being operated from Shamsi Airfield, 310 km southwest of Quetta and 48 km from the Afghan border. This disclosure created a furor in Pakistan and initially the government denied it but in December 2009, Pakistan’s Minister for Defence, Ahmad Mukhtar admitted that the Americans were using Shamsi Airfield.

The year 2010 was the deadliest in terms of drone attacks in Pakistan. A total of 118 attacks were launched, taking a toll of 993 lives. Since February 2011, when CIA operative Raymond Davis was apprehended in Lahore after slaying two Pakistanis in cold blood, relations between Pakistan and the US, especially their intelligence agencies ISI and CIA were terribly strained. They hit rock bottom with the May 2nd US Seals operation to take out Al-Qaeda chief Osama bin Laden.

The straw that broke the camel’s back was the November 26, 2011 NATO attack on Pakistani military check-post at Salala, in which 25 Pakistan Army personnel including two officers were killed. Pakistan’s parliament took the harsh decision of having the US vacate the Shamsi Airfield. There was a 55 days’ lull in the drone attacks but on January 11 and 12 this year, two attacks have targeted alleged miscreants in Miran Shah and Dogga area of North Waziristan. Pakistani parliament is in the process of reviewing its terms of engagement with the US but the Parliamentary Committee on National Security has recommended that Pakistan should never permit drone attacks to be operated from Pakistani soil again.

The drone attacks raise several moral and legal questions. The UN regime on targeted killing is quite clear; the parent country, where the attack is to take place must provide permission for the attack. There is widespread disagreement about whether suspected terrorists have rendered themselves morally and legally liable to lethal attack. Analysts opine that the widespread use of this modern technique of asymmetrical warfare raises troubling questions in just war theory, public international law, international humanitarian law, criminal law, human rights law, and legal philosophy.

On 25 March 2010 US State Department legal advisor Harold Koh stated that the drone strikes were legal because of the right to self-defense. Some US politicians and academics have condemned the drone strikes. US Congressman Dennis Kucinich asserted that the United States was violating international law by carrying out strikes against a country that never attacked the United States. Georgetown University professor Gary D. Solis asserts that since the drone operators at the CIA are civilians directly engaged in armed conflict, this makes them “unlawful combatants” and possibly subject to prosecution.

A number of lawsuits have been filed against the reprehensible drone attacks both within the US and outside. The most famous is the legal case filed by journalist Karim Khan in December 2010, naming Jonathan Banks (his cover name)—the CIA Station Chief in Islamabad, to be responsible for the deaths of his close relatives. Resultantly, Banks was hastily pulled from the country. On 27 October 2009 UNHRC investigator Philip Alston concluded that the CIA is running a program that is killing significant numbers of people and there is absolutely no accountability in terms of the relevant international laws.

Brookings Institution has concluded that although accurate data on the results of drone strikes is difficult to obtain, it seemed that ten civilians had died in the drone attacks for every militant killed, which would represent a civilian to combatant casualty ratio of 10:1, which is unacceptable. With Pakistan’s Army Chief issuing a directive to shoot down US drones, it is high time the US revisited the use of drone attacks in Pakistan.

It seems now thaat the nation is going to be disappointed staggeringly by the Supreme Court once again. The memo case of today was the biggest treason case in the recent hitory of the country after Agartala Conspiracy of 1968, which broke Pakistan.

Instead of punishing the traitors in Agartala sazish, the political parties, courts and the media joined hands against the army to demand the release of traitor Mujeeb ur

Rehman and demanded elections. The result was that army was forced to hold elections in an environment where the traitors had taken complete control. The result was a civil war and dismemberment of Pakistan.

Today, the exact repeat is taking place with the Memo scandal. The government is part of this treason. The political parties are supporting the government. Media is already sold out and attacking army and the Supreme Court is dragging the case to the point while the nation continues to slip into the chaos and anarchy. Army and ISI is being surrounded from all sides. 

The judicial system of the country has effectively collapsed. In the last 10 years, the judiciary has not punished a single terrorist. But at the same time, the judiciary is attacking army for killing the terrorists in encounters or after court martial. In simple words, the Judiciary is neither punishing the terrorists nor letting the army do the job of securing Pakistan. Since the Chief Justice gave the weak decision on Karachi violence, over 450 people have died in target killings by the same political parties whom the CJ had refused to punish. Now who is responsible for the bloodshed in Karachi now? Should the army watch or do something? But the government, judiciary and the media remain silent attacking the army only.

Multiple cases have been initiated against ISI in Supreme Court and in other courts but the real cases of treason and terrorism are NOT being decided by the Supreme Court or lower courts. CJ will be answerable to Allah (swt) for this delay which is harming Pak Sarzameen and Ummat e Rasul (sm). Asghar Khan had sided with Mujeeb ur Rehman in Agartala sazish in 1968. Now the same Asghar Khan has joined hands with Imran Khan and is attacking the ISI in Supreme Court but he is silent on Memo treason by the government. Isn’t this strange that all political parties are now silent on Memo?

In these critical times, even Imran is blaming and attacking army for violence in tribal areas and does not hold the TTP/CIA/RAW responsible for violence and war against Pakistan. Imran is also not making any distinction between TTP and Afghan Taliban and giving the perception that TTP is a million strong tribal army of Pakistani Pashtuns. This is totally false and disinformation. TTP are just a few thousand terrorists supported by RAW/CIA and DO NOT represent either the Afghan Taliban or the tribals who are loyal to Pakistan. These statements of Imran are severely hurting the army and Pakistan’s war against TTP Kharjis in these most critical times.

The army is now in an extremely difficult situation. It trusted the Supreme Court to be firm on memo scandal and NRO. Instead, the cases are being dragged without decision and the government remains busy in robbing, looting and plundering the nation ruthlessly.

Now what can army do? If the army continues to wait for the SC to deliver justice, the enemies would overrun the country and damage it to the point of no return. Else, army can move in and arrest the traitors in Memo case and court martial them as the SC is not doing this. This would mean a Martial Law. Now we can either save the illegal, immoral and corrupt demon-cracy or save the country through a direct military intervention. The media and the political parties are actually at war with the nation and the SC in no mood to decide while the country burns. The traitors in Memo case rule Pakistan today and would never let justice prevail while they are in power. They are accused and must be arrested.

We do not know how the army would respond under these most dangerous circumstances. It is still waiting for the SC to decide but it will not wait forever. If the SC does not do its constitutional duty, the army must defend Pakistan by all means and ways – and ruthlessly.

InshAllah, Allah will never let these snakes harm this Pak Sarzameen. But the traitors and snakes are being exposed and their sinister games monitored by the patriots. Stay firm and stay united and do not fall for any propaganda, lies and disinformation against Pak army and ISI. Every enemy and idiot is attacking them now when we are in a desperate war. InshAllah Khair. Do not despair and do your duty. The time for sacrifice, courage and passion is now!

Source: PCF

Difa-e-Pakistan Council leadership warned the government that if Nato supply line restored, they would stage a sit-in from Peshawar to Chaman, demaning closure of the supplies to Nato on permanent basis. Jamaat-i-Islami Ameer Syed Munawar Hassan, Jamat-ut-Dawa Ameer Hafiz Saeed, Jamiat Ulema-e-Pakistan leader Sahibzada Abul Khair Zubair and other leaders addressed the conference at Liaquat Bagh Rawalpindi here on Sunday. They demanded the government to expel Hussain Haqani from the Prime Minister House declaring him a central actor plotting against the Pak Army and nuclear capability of Pakistan.

Source: The Nation

A new pro-US team of ex-military and civilian Pakistanis was ready to take over. Who are they?

SPECIAL REPORT | PakNationalists.com

Between the denials of Husain Haqqani, threats to a key witness to stay away from testimony, and American efforts to save the incompetent government of President Asif Ali Zardari, the fact remains that ‘The Memo’ is a new height for treason in Pakistan. There can be no higher treason for a serving elected government than to secretly invite a foreign country to decapitate the country’s military leadership, compromise the nation’s strategic weapons arsenal, and voluntarily surrender policy on vital strategic interests.

The Memo did all three. And there is little doubt that Mr. Haqqani, a confidante to President of Pakistan, was involved in this conspiracy.

There is also little doubt he was not alone. Apart from his American partners, a list of Pakistani partners exists. This potentially includes individuals, serving and retired, inside and outside government, who helped in writing The Memo, whose copy was first revealed by a blog on the American Foreign Policy magazine’s website.

Pakistani citizens, conscientious politicians (if any), and the country’s national security managers, cannot take lightly this action against Pakistan by a group of powerful Pakistanis whose only interest was to serve a powerful foreign government, the United States, and its military and intelligence.

One day maybe The Memo would be taught in schools for how high treason looks like in action.

But for now, the following paragraph-by-paragraph analysis of The Memo serves as a reminder to Pakistanis why cases of treason should never be brushed under the carpet.TREASON

1. The writer(s) of The Memo sought to create national division in Pakistan by dividing the government between ‘civilians’ and ‘military’. This deliberate division was meant to incite warfare among Pakistanis, and mislead foreign governments. The rift sought to weaken Pakistan when a war rages on our borders. [Paragraph One of The Memo]

2. The writer(s) of The Memo attempted to create a false impression of a military coup where none existed. [Paragraph One + Two]

3. The writer(s) of The Memo conspired against Pakistan Armed Forces using a misleading phrase, i.e. ‘correcting civil-military relations’. Any such relations are an internal Pakistani matter. It can never justify inviting foreign intervention as the Haqqani Memo does.

4. The writer(s) of The Memo accuse ISI of outing the name of CIA station chief in Islamabad, clearly adopting the position of US government.

5. The writer(s) of The Memo accuse Pakistan of being home to al-Qaeda. [Paragraph Two.]

6. The writer(s) of The Memo blackmail Pakistan using the term ‘1971 moment’. They propose to US government to threaten Pakistan of breakup [like 1971 after an unprovoked Indian invasion] if the Zardari government is held accountable for allowing illegal CIA penetration into the country. [Paragraph Three.]

7. Bluntly ‘requests direct intervention’ by another country in Pakistan. [Para Three]

8. Promises to replace Pakistan’s military leadership with “trusted advisers that include ex-military and civilian leaders favorably viewed by Washington.” [Para Three.]

9. Promises that the new pro-US Pakistani national security team-in-waiting consists of Pakistanis “each of whom have long and historical ties” to US military and intelligence. [Para Three.]

10. Promises that the name of the new pro-US team to run Pakistan’s military and intelligence are provided verbally through the person delivering The Memo. [Para Three.]

11. Promises six tangible actions in Islamabad in favor of US interests:

11.1 To put Pakistan on trial for “harboring” Al-Qaeda terror chief OBL, and constitute a Pakistani panel for the investigation where US government can screen and nominate members. [Bullet One]

11.2 Bullet Two in The Memo affirms official Pakistani government, military and intelligence complicity in harboring OBL.

11.3 Bullet Three confirms — without evidence — that Al-Qaeda terror group leaders are harbored by Pakistan and will be handed over to US once the new pro-US military and civilian Pakistani national security team is in charge. Also, an offer is extended to allow US military and intelligence to conduct operations on Pakistani soil.

11.4 Bullet Three confirms that these offers have been discussed and approved at the highest levels of the Zardari-Gilani government.

11.5 Promises Washington to implement “an acceptable framework … for Pakistan’s nuclear program.” Any interpretation of this sentence would mean some form of American supervision of Pakistan’s nuclear program. The writer(s) of The Memo suggest that currently Pakistani nuclear weapons are not secure. [Bullet Four]

11.6 Promises to eliminate Section S of ISI that the writer(s) of The Memo claim maintains links to Afghan Taliban. This directly infringes on Pakistan’s legitimate right to deal with players in the region as suited to Pakistani interests. The Haqqani Memo assumes here that Pakistan should follow policy guidelines coming from Washington. [Bullet Five]

11.7 Promises to force Pakistan to submit to the demands of Indian government, suggests Pakistani guilt in 2008 Mumbai attacks, and promises to hand over anyone to India if New Delhi demands. [Bullet Six]

Paragraph Eleven: Promises US government that Zardari government’s interests are the same as Washington’s in aligning Pakistan with India “AND” Afghanistan [capital letters used by the writer(s) of The Memo].

The last line in The Memo reveals the extent of the conspiracy from the Pakistani side. It shows that an entire pro-US team of ex-military and civilian Pakistanis participated in writing this memo. The names of these Pakistanis were verbally conveyed to Admiral Mike Mullen, then US Chairman Joint Chiefs.

 Malik Ayub Sumbal | The Foreigner

In an exclusive interview with The Foreigner in Islamabad, former Inter Services Intelligence (ISI) Director General (DG) General (R) Hamid Gul said, “It’s really pathetic if Norway is involved in such kinds of undertakings in Pakistan that lead to spying or any other activity infringing Pakistan’s sovereignty.”

He added Pakistan and Norway have had a friendly relationship for the last several years, calling the actions “really shameful.” The retired General said that Pakistani intelligence agencies should arrest any possible undercover agents on spying missions immediately.

When asked about Norway’s high-level involvement in any kind of spying activity in Pakistan, Hamid Gul stated, “It cannot be ruled out that it’s mostly high-profile Embassy officials who are involved in some sort of spying, but they can be kicked out immediately for this practice contravening the ethics of diplomacy.” 

A top Islamabad police official, who wished to remain anonymous, informed The Foreigner about some top Norwegian embassy diplomats who have been involved in suspicious activities for past year. “Interactions by some senior embassy officials with the various notorious communities in Pakistan and their movements in the North-West Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province are suspicious and dubious,” he said, refusing to divulge these peoples’ names.

It is pertinent to mention here that relations between Pakistan and Norway have been smooth and very cordial for the past several decades, and there have been huge investments and donations by the government of Norway in some of Pakistan’s various sectors.

The recent issue of Norwegian secret agents in Pakistan on possible espionage missions could potentially ruin both countries’ alliances and affect funding for several ongoing development projects, however. On condition of anonymity, sources at the Norwegian Embassy in Islamabad told The Foreigner that Norway’s and Pakistan’s Ministries of Foreign Affairs are putting staff under immense pressure after the news story broke.

Both countries are attempting to cool the intense atmosphere, but it could take time to rebuild confidence. Embassy sources further revealed that the high-level officials are trying to satisfy the Pakistani authorities’ concerns about the intelligence operatives and Janne Kristiansen’s resignation.

Norway’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs has not yet commented on the matter to The Foreigner.

Immunity clause 248 was not part of this case; Yousaf Raza Gillani has brought it in; if the court rules out immunity, Zardari and Gillani both would be struck.

By Raja G Mujtaba

National Reconciliation Ordinance (NRO) has become the undetected cancer growth that has emerged when it was fully blown up and ready to kill. For this I was live on Aljazeera TV to offer my views. At that particular moment, the audio linkage with the studios at Doha was not at its best but I did manage to pick the question and gave my views.

The Five-Member Judicial Bench has given its verdict, where they have declared Yousaf Raza Gillani as dishonest and corrupt. The contention of Gillani that the submissions of General Kayani, the Army Chief and Lt Gen Pasha, the ISI head have been a violation and breech of the channel has also been denied by the Attorney General Maulvi Anwarul Haq in his statement that the affidavits were forwarded to the court under his signature so no violation took place.

Prime Minister Gillani who till now had been defying the Supreme Court by not writing the letter to the Swiss Courts finally had to give in and eat a humble pie when the Supreme Court summoned him to the courts for contempt. Gillani tried to make it a big event for himself but his each step taken him deeper into the quagmire. Gillani wanted to stand in the shoes of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, who addressed the court personally that trapped him which lead him to the gallows, likewise Gillani also as most opine has sealed his fate by defending his defiance of the court.

The way he appeared in the apex court with a big entourage of courtiers, ministers and parliamentarians etc. was a show of force to intimidate the honourable judges. Has this exercise not cost the exchequer a huge amount? But who cares. He should have come like a common man following the traditions of Omar, the second caliph of Islam. Even in the West in such a situation, the people in power appear before the courts in their personal capacity.

People are questioning the performance of Aitizaz Ahsan by encouraging the Prime Minister to defend his action for not writing a letter to the Swiss Courts on the grounds that Asif Ali Zardari enjoyed immunity under article 248 of the constitution. Immunity clause 248 was not part of this case; Yousaf Raza Gillani has brought it in to defend his defiance; if the court rules out immunity, Zardari and Gillani both would be struck.

Had Mr. Gillani simply apologized before the honourable court, the issue would have been over but he would have had to give the assurance that the letter to the Swiss Court would be written. Now that during his arguments Gillani took the plea that since Asif Ali Zardari enjoyed the immunity therefore letter could not be written has dragged Zardari into the courts.

Now the immunity issue has become the main subject to be debated which most legal minds feel that cannot stand since the crimes committed were before Zardari was elected President. Moreover it is never a blanket immunity that the party and the Zardari cahoots are trying to blow loud.

Why Aitezaz Ahsan who till now had taken a stand that the letter to the Swiss Courts has to be written suddenly took a U-Turn from his stated stand? Some say that Aitezaz has lived to his reputation and did what suits his personal interests best; he is killing two birds with one stone by eliminating Asif Zardari and Yousaf Gillani from the scene so that he can become the next party head and raise his stakes to the coveted office of the Prime Minister.

It has become an open discussion that through this move, Aitezaz Ahsan is aspiring to take over the party after both Zardari and Gillani are sacked. How true this opinion maybe, only the time would tell. On appearance in the Supreme Court he was greeted by a hostile group of lawyers who were adverse to his role in the Judiciary Movement when he suddenly changed stance and did not allow ‘dharna’ (sit-in) in front of the parliament house. Going back, his role in delivering the lists of Khalistan Movement activists to Indian government has also hit the memories.

Yousaf Raza Gillani has become very arrogant in many ways; his involvement in corruption is coming out with new dimensions every day. Memogate that has become the biggest security breach by any sitting President or Prime Minister is being defended in most obnoxious manner. The best course would have been to assist and facilitate the Judicial Commission investigating it, or even prior to that both Zardari and Gillani should have resigned from their offices but they are making all efforts to block the progress of the commission.

Mansoor Ijaz who leaked the scandal through his article in Financial Times of London is the central figure, his evidence is critical and most desired to decide the issue is being threatened and humiliated by no less a person than PM Gillani himself. Why Gillani is hiding Husain Haqqani in Prime Minister House is further confirming the complicity of Haqqani, Zardari and possibly of Gillani also.

Rahman Malik, who has many shades to his character, is making statements that are not only irresponsible but a laughing stock. All this needs to be taken cognizance of so that all those involved in this scandal are caught and punished for treason against the state.

By Brig Asif Haroon Raja – Opinion Maker

Pakistan may be the only country in the world where persons involved in heinous crimes including treason not only get away unpunished but also hold top appointments. Whatever little sting the law courts and accountability courts had has been smudged by this government. There is no accountability of the corrupt and criminals since the rulers themselves are NRO cleansed. Those wanting accountability of the wrongdoers are scoffed at, threatened and suppressed. Crossing all limits, the PPP leadership is averse to an open and fair probe on a highly sensitive matter of memo having grave implications for national security and integrity. Likewise, it has flouted Supreme Court’s (SC) ruling given on 16 December 2009 making NRO null and void. It continues to maintain a stubborn stance of defiance even after the SC rejected the review petition on NRO and directed the government to implement its order by 10 January 2012. Countdown will terminate on 16 January and the nation is keeping its fingers crossed. 

The government is employing all conceivable tricks and techniques under the sun to wriggle out of memo scandal and to prevent reopening of cases pending against President Zardari in foreign courts. It is creating umpteen hurdles in the way of three-member commission investigating memo case and the bench pursuing implementation of NRO. The PPP is past master in delaying tactics and in playing the theme of victimization. The top guns of the PPP involved in massive corruption managed to prevent law courts from delivering judgments for eleven years. Their tactics couldn’t have succeeded without the connivance of weak-willed and purchasable judges and prosecutors. The culture of higher courts under chief justice Iftikhar has undergone a radical change. The apex courts have ultimately realized that the judiciary in Pakistan has earned a very bad name and people have lost faith in judicial system. For too long the judiciary had played into the hands of military and civilian dictators. The higher judiciary had a big role in validating wrongful acts of the rulers and in validating military rules under the miscued doctrine of necessity.

The judges having gone through a prolonged ordeal of two years under a military dictator Gen Musharraf have decided to restore the image and reputation of the judiciary. They appreciate that without the public pressure the sacked judges could not have been restored in March 2009. They know that the people deprived of justice were overjoyed over their reinstatement and hold high hopes in the liberated judiciary. They want to live up to the high expectations of the people by delivering justice based on fairness and without caring for the high status of the accused. The culture of uprightness, honesty and evenhandedness is however alien to the PPP leaders who believe only in cheating, chicanery, looting, delinquency, nepotism and cronyism. They prefer self over national interests; they neither believe in rule of law nor in system of accountability. PCO judges suited them the most and they had tried very hard to retain Dogar as chief justice but failed.

The law makers and upholders of rule of law and constitution are themselves the biggest violators of law. They keep raising the slogan that parliament is supreme but their personal conduct displayed in the last four years of their rule has been deplorable. Not only they have been bending and breaking laws of the land at will, they have been contemptuously defying the apex court with impunity. Never before any government in Pakistan has defied and insulted the Supreme Court so brazenly. Zardari-Gilani duo has been promoting cronyism and favoritism and destroying public corporate enterprises. The National Accountability Bureau (NAB) has been made impotent to enable them to shield, protect and promote corrupt and inept officials holding key appointments and to disregard merit. Even those involved in mega scams and convicted by the courts are pardoned by Zardari and reinstated or given better jobs. Adnan Khwaja and Riaz Shiekh are two recent examples. The duo and their loyalists give preference to loyalty to the political party over the state and the constitution. Appointments of Husain Haqqani and Wajid Shams as ambassadors and Rahman Malik as interior minister simply to please Washington give an insight of the outlook of rulers.

Babar Awan with a fake doctor’s degree held the important post of law minister for a long period merely because he maintained a bellicose posture against Sharif brothers. He openly bribed members of Bar Council and lawyers to buy their loyalties and spent millions from exchequer. He has been in the lead to deride and defy the SC. While he mistakenly thinks that his clownish acrobats are cheered by the people, in reality they consider him no more than a court jester pleasing his boss in Presidency. He is principally responsible for putting the ruling party in a blind alley. In his greed to become Punjab Governor or Senate Chairman, he has gone too far and made himself highly vulnerable. The SC sword can fall upon him anytime.

PM Gilani as executive head instead of feeling most concerned about memo affair is least concerned and wants it to be hushed up. He still is of the view that removal of Haqqani from his post should have ended the matter. He got so perturbed over Gen Kayani and Lt Gen Pasha submitting their affidavits to the Supreme Court different to the one submitted by the government that he is not reconciling with it. He had lost his cool on 26 December since he was fed with false intelligence that Gen Kayani was set to overthrow his government. But he cooled down after Gen Kayani issued a statement that he had no intention of launching a coup and toppling a democratic government. He however hastened to add a meaningful sentence in his rejoinder that there will be no compromise on national security.

Seeing that the memo case was taking a dangerous turn and that the two generals were not prepared to take back their affidavits in which it was categorically stated that memo was a reality and must be probed, the PM once again got off balanced on 9 January while giving an interview to Chinese Daily. Fearing that the Army had developed an understanding with the SC, he outlandishly dubbed the depositions of Kayani and Pasha as illegal and unconstitutional on the basis that they had not taken his consent or permission of the Defence Ministry. He thus reignited the fire which had almost died down. His stance was negated by the Attorney General who cleared the mist by saying that replies submitted were very much in accordance with legal procedure.

The five-member SC bench in its sitting on 10 January pronounced President Zardari, PM Gilani, Law Minister Maula Bux Chandio, Babar Awan, Law Secretary Masood Chishti and NAB chief retired Admiral Fasih Bokhari as chief delinquents. It stated that they have consistently been showing naked defiance and apathy towards SC and could be proceeded against on charges of contempt of court. Axes had been honed and raised above shoulders, and heads of the five put on the chopping block, but before bringing down the axes, the accused were given last chance to save their necks from getting chopped. Showing unprecedented restraint in the face of extreme provocation, the SC has dished out six loaded options. The leading option is to disqualify both Zardari and Gilani. However knowing that Jayalas have an old habit of making too much fuss and complaining that they have been indicted unheard, milder options include letting Zardari to appear before the court to plead for immunity; or the PM to resign and hold early elections. The government has to choose one of the options till the next hearing scheduled on 16 January.

As if his harmful interview was not enough, Gilani further upped the ante by sacking Secretary Defence retired Lt Gen Lodhi on charges of misconduct and creating misunderstanding between institutions and gave additional charge of Secretary Defence to his blue eyed Secretary Nargis Sethi. His only fault was that the Personal Secretary of PM had called him in his office and asked him on behalf of PM to sign the affidavit concerning memo case prepared by the government, but he regretted to do so. Lodhi has decided to approach the court and plead his case that he has been unjustly removed from service without giving him show cause notice or carrying out any inquiry.

It was speculated that Gilani’s offensive move had been made to pave the way to sack Army chief and DG ISI. The Army launched a quick riposte in the form of a terse rejoinder which not only clarified that routing of affidavits were strictly in line with laid down legal procedure but also gave a veiled warning that indigestible insinuations would have serious repercussions. Gen Kayani called a conference of his PSOs and corps commanders next morning. Adding to it was the newspapers story about newly posted brigade commander of notorious 111 Brigade. It gave a loud message that the Army would not take the insults lying down.

Despite assurances given by Army Chief that he respects democracy and the Chief Justice who said that the door to martial law has been shut forever, Zardari, Gilani and his confidantes continue to suffer from hallucinations of a military coup. Puppet Gilani whose strings are in the hands of Zardari has become so confused that he is taking somersaults repeatedly and eating his words. There must be something to hide that Haqqani and his guardians are feeling so disturbed and are feeling so edgy. Wittingly or unwittingly, the corrupt and inept government is opening the door for the Army to step in so that it could become a political martyr, but Kayani has no such intentions and would like a change taking place through democratic process.

Finding itself stuck in a blind alley, Gilani in consultation with Zardari called an emergent session on 12th January in his bid to seek vote of confidence and then declare war against the judiciary and Army’s top leadership. But his effort backfired because of lukewarm response of allied parties who didn’t favor policy of confrontation. Seeing that Gilani was heading towards a head on suicidal clash with the judiciary as well as the Army, the three allied parties of PPP got nervy and firmly advised its leadership to avoid collision at all costs and opt for reconciliation.

Nawaz and Imran have warned of launching country wide protest movement if the government tries to defy SC ruling on 16th and doesn’t hold early elections. PML-N is actively contemplating en-block resignations from Assemblies. These fast forward events have taken the wind out of the sails of jingoistic PPP leadership and it is quite likely that from now onwards there will be a visible change in its attitude and things would get back to normal. Holding of Defence Committee meeting on 14 January chaired by PM and attended by CJSC and three services chiefs has been viewed as a positive sign and it seems that ice has begun to melt.

Irrespective of the apparent thaw, one thing is clear that government-Army relations will not be as cordial as they were prior to 2 May. The Army will not support the government in its confrontation with the judiciary. The government will avoid fighting political war on two fronts. In the face of twin threat, Zardari will make concerted efforts to regain confidence of the Army chief. One way is that he uses his discretionary powers to reinstate sacked Secretary Defence. He will also advise Gilani that rather than he getting disqualified, he should voluntarily resign so as to pacify SC and thus ease pressure of judiciary on him and the government. This move will enable the government to buy time, hold Senate elections and be in a stronger position to make preparations for elections by October and also to take some corrective measures to improve its image.

Saner elements however disfavor early elections arguing that no single party will be able to gain simple majority to form a government. A hung parliament with the same lot of politicians in their view will be unable to steer the country out of the mess created by current government. They opine that chief justice backed by Army should be mandated to form a care taker regime for about two years, which should select honest and efficient technocrats capable of clearing the mess. In my view, Imran Khan should head this regime. Once the economy comes out of the woods, institutions become healthy, fresh electoral rolls are prepared by independent Election Commission, fair and free elections could then be held. Or else, people may be asked at the termination of caretaker regime’s tenure whether they would prefer the government of technocrats or parliamentary system. There is lot of weight in this suggestion and may be pondered over.

The U.S. is paying six times as much to send war supplies to troops in Afghanistan through alternate routes after Pakistan’s punitive decision in November to close border crossings to NATO convoys, the Associated Press has learned. Islamabad shut down two key Pakistan border crossings after a U.S. airstrike killed two dozen Pakistani soldiers in late November, and it is unclear when the crossings might reopen.

Pentagon figures provided to the AP show it is now costing about $104 million per month to send the supplies through a longer northern route. That is $87 million more per month than when the cargo moved through Pakistan. While U.S. officials have acknowledged that using alternate transportation routes for Afghan war supplies is more expensive and takes longer, the total costs had not been revealed until now. The Pentagon provided the cost figures to the AP on Thursday.

U.S. officials said Thursday the elevated costs are likely to continue for some time, as U.S.-Pakistan tensions remain high and Pakistan has not yet offered to restore the transport arrangement or to begin negotiations on the matter. Until the closure, the U.S. had relied on Pakistani routes to move about one-third of all war supplies for Afghanistan.The U.S. has given Pakistan more than $20 billion in aid since 9/11, including civilian and military assistance. But over the past year, relations with Islamabad have been strained by a series of incidents, including the U.S. assault in Pakistan last May that killed Osama bin Laden.

Pakistani leaders have also complained about repeated U.S. drone strikes into their country. The strikes, largely by the CIA, target militants hiding along Pakistan’s border who launch attacks against NATO troops in Afghanistan.

The final straw, however, was the Nov. 26 cross-border attack, which hit two Pakistani border posts, enraging the Pakistani government and further eroding already shaky relations.

The U.S. blamed the errant airstrikes on a series of communications and coordination errors on both sides. American officials expressed regret but have not apologized for the incident, insisting that Pakistan fired first. Pakistan denies that and has called it an unprovoked attack.

In addition to closing the border crossings, Pakistan ordered the U.S. to vacate Shamsi air base, which the U.S. was using to launch drone strikes at al-Qaida and Taliban militants.

Over the past year or so, the U.S. military has been shrinking its reliance on the Pakistani routes, which are used to transport fuel and other non-lethal supplies. U.S. officials say they could manage indefinitely without that access if Pakistan either makes the closure permanent or offers to reopen it under unacceptable conditions.

Officials said that moves by Pakistan to briefly close the supply routes on two previous occasions after disputes with the U.S. prompted the Pentagon to begin shifting more to the northern crossings. Officials also believe that even if Pakistan eventually opens the supply routes, that there will be additional fees charged, so the alternate routes would help avoid those extra costs.

On the other hand, sending NATO convoys through Pakistan is seen by Washington as a significant piece of the overall U.S.-Pakistani partnership. Failure to reinstate those routes would signal a more severe diplomatic breach between the two countries at a critical time in the Afghan war and the ongoing battle against insurgents who seek sanctuary on the Pakistan side of the border.

According to U.S. officials, 85 percent of fuel supplies for the war effort in Afghanistan are now going through the northern supply routes, along with 30 percent of the supplies that had routinely come through Pakistan.

The northern routes connect Baltic and Caspian Sea ports with Afghanistan through Russia and Central Asia and the Caucases. And they combine sea, rail and truck transport.

There may be, however, some movement by Pakistan to allow certain civilian Afghan supplies through the closed routes.

Dependent on Pakistan for its imports, landlocked Afghanistan has asked authorities in Pakistan to release hundreds of vehicles stacked with goods and fuel that are being held up along with NATO supplies.

Pakistani officials say they are sorting through the thousands of stranded vehicles to push through supplies for Afghans. So far, the Pakistanis have given no indication of when they will open the border for NATO supplies to Afghanistan.

There has been limited contact between top U.S. and Pakistani officials.

Last week, Army Gen. Martin Dempsey, chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, talked by phone with his Pakistani counterpart, Army Gen. Ashfaq Pervez Kayani, their first contact since Dec. 21. Defense Secretary Leon Panetta has not spoken to Pakistani leaders since the incident.

Source: Associated Press